On Sept. 27, Catalonia held elections to its devolved parliament. A coalition of nationalist parties won 72 out of 135 seats, though only 48 percent of the vote. The coalition, which ranges from the center-right Convergència to radical CUP, bills this vote as a de facto affirmative referendum on independence from Spain, and right-wing president of Catalonia, Artur Mas, agrees.
However, many Spanish media outlets have maintained Catalans rejected independence; they lump the 11 percent of votes for Podemos’ left-wing, independence-agnostic coalition with those for anti-independence parties. More gravely, the central Spanish government, headed by Prime Minister Rajoy of the conservative Partido Popular, refuses to recognize the vote, as the Spanish constitution does not allow for such referenda. Beyond lisping "Barcelona" and admiring the Sagrada Familia and underage drinking, we at UF often understand little of Catalan politics. To understand this vote better, I interviewed a professor of Spanish history, a Catalan doctoral student and a fellow from Madrid.
First, we must go back to the dictatorship of Francisco Franco from 1939 to 1975. George Esenwein, the associate professor of modern Iberian history, explains, "All regional cultures and identities were suppressed during the Franco regime, which declared that Spain ought to be one, indivisible country." This conflicted with the limited regional autonomy won by Basques and Catalans during the Second Republic and Civil War.
Catalan became a vehicle for opposition. As Esenwein describes, "By the time Franco died in 1975, Catalan was surfacing at the street level and in educational settings. At the University of Barcelona, for example, students and professors demonstrated their open resistance to the continuation of the dictatorship by holding discussions in Catalan." I can recall a fiercely pro-independence Catalan woman I studied with in Paris, who needed nothing more than memories of teachers beating her for speaking Catalan to justify her view — and who made me eat crow.
Francesc Xavier Morales Garcia, a UF doctoral student in Spanish literature and pro-independence native of Catalonia, complains the 1978 constitution that followed Franco’s death made the state difficult to reform, creating a so-called "sociological Francoism," which identifies democracy with the state and reforms of it with anti-democracy. Additionally, he believes the figure of the king has replaced the dictator as head of state, making republican and/or democratic reform impossible. For these reasons, he finds it more viable to break with Spain entirely.
Even on a personal level, regionalism is a longstanding reality in Spain, Esenwein continues. "Spain has for many years been a country composed of smaller countries: ‘Patria chica.’ In the Northwest, many see themselves as Gallegos. The Basques and the Catalans also identify themselves as being separate from Castile and the Castilians. They become Spaniards very rarely, such as when Spain competes and wins in the World Cup."
Apart from cultural and linguistic reasons, Catalonian independence has an economic component, with industry, agriculture and its ideal Mediterranean location leaving a rich legacy. Furthermore, Catalans often consider themselves especially industrious, Esenwein explains, recalling a Catalan expression: "Catalans can make bread from rocks," as well as the common comparison of Barcelona to Milan. Thus, he says, many "feel as though all of their hard work and success is being siphoned off by a ‘foreign’ power based in Madrid."
Manuel Tardáguila, a research fellow in professor Ana Conesa’s microbiology lab and native of Madrid, agrees Catalonians have an "entrepreneurial spirit," but says the more common stereotype is northerners work harder than Andalusians. Furthermore, he says, Catalonia’s not the only region that contributes more in tax revenues than it receives in government spending: so do Madrid and the Balearic Islands.
Additionally, he notes ossified images of Madrid, saying many Catalans characterize Madrileños as cocky, while both the Spanish right and the independence movement represent Madrid as the "guardian of the essence" of Spain. While he agrees it is less cosmopolitan than Barcelona, he does not consider it hickish or backward, either. Overall, he says, "There’s a lot of marketing, and little serious discussion. I don’t deny that the Spanish right is the worst destroyer of my country. They’re Donald Trumps. I’m a reasonable person, and open to accepting [independence,] but I’m not convinced that it’s the correct solution."
Ann Manov is a UF French, English and Spanish senior. Her column appears on Mondays.
